- A Brief Introduction to the Movement
- Colored Conventions and the Black Press
- The 1853 Manual Labor College Initiative
- Bishop Henry McNeal Turner
- Word Travels Fast: 1855 Philadelphia
- Henry Highland Garnet's "Address"
- What Did They Eat? Where Did They Stay?
- Black Wealth and the 1843 Convention
- African American Women's Economic Power
- The First National Convention
- The "Conventions" of the Conventions: Political Rituals
- Conventions by City
- National Conventions
- Women Delegates
- Women in the Conventions
- Convention Hosts by Denomination
- Conventions by Level
- Clusters of Conventions
- Colored Conventions in Canada
- Delegate Search
- Women in the Conventions | March 8, 2017
- About Us
- Contact Us
Scripto | Transcribe Page
Slavery in Cuba. A Report of the Proceedings of the Meeting, Held at the Cooper Institute. New York City, December 13, 1872.
This page transcription has been submitted for review and is protected.
- Type what you see in the pdf, even if it's misspelled or incorrect.
- Leave a blank line before each new paragraph.
- Type page numbers if they appear.
- Put unclear words in brackets, with a question mark, like: [[Pittsburg?]]
- Click "Save transcription" frequently!
- Include hyphens splitting words at the end of a line. Type the full word without the hyphen. If a hyphen appears at the end of a page, type the full word on the second page.
- Include indents, tabs, or extra spaces.
Current Saved Transcription [history]
Public opinion throughout the civilized world justify a proclamation from Washington, of belligerent rights to the Cubans, or even armed intervention there, in the cause of humanity and civilization. But there are other measures through which we may bring the Spanish government to terms and thus give the finishing blow to slavery in Cuba-such measures, for instance, as a peremptory demand for reparation and indemnity in consequence of the Spanish outrages in Cuba upon American citizens, and upon our commerce in the Gulf, committed during the last four years, resting our cause upon the troubles arising from Cuban Slavery. Doubtless, too, a resolution from the House of Representatives, asking of the President such official information as he may possess as to the decrees and purposes of the Spanish government in referenceto the abolition of slavery in Cuba, would operate to bring the Cabinet of King Amadeus to reason. It is reported that Senor Zorilla has recently declared that Spain would move no further upon this matter of slavery in Cuba, until the last insurgent shall have surrendered. If so, the dominion of Spain in the island is the dominion of slavery. And, indeed, as the abolition of slavery is the corner stone of the insurgent constitution for Cuba, we cannot doubt that the removal of slavery, involves the independence of the island. So it is understood and accepted by our colored citizens, and, from their strength in our body politic, they have only to pour in their petitions upon Congress and the President, in order to command a hearing and definite and decisive action.
[From the New York Herald, Monday, January 20, 1873.]
SPAIN AND CUBA-AN EXTRAORDINARY LOAN-THE COSTS OF THE INSURRECTION-THE EMANCIPATION QUESTION.
Leaving, for the present, as it stands the diplomatic question of veracity pending between our Secretary of State, Mr. Fish, and Senor Zorilla, Prime Minister of Spain, in reference to the remarkable despatch of the former of the 29th of October last on the abolition of slavery in the Spanish West Indies, we turn to the consideration of another remarkable official communication-that which we published yesterday from our Minister at Madrid to Mr. Fish, bearing the date of August 16, 1872, on the finances of the Spanish Cuban government, and on the frightful costs and loss of life resulting from the insurrection for Cuban independence. This despatch, it appears, has been shown by Mr. Fish to several members of the Diplomatic Corps of the Senate, as justifying his note aforesaid
You don't have permission to discuss this page.