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Slavery in Cuba. A Report of the Proceedings of the Meeting, Held at the Cooper Institute. New York City, December 13, 1872.


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(From the Evening Ail, New York, Friday, December 13. 1872


WE are glad to see that our colored citizens are roused to a sense of their obligation to those of their race--nearly half a million--retained in slavery in the island of Cuba. Their meeting at the Cooper Institute tonight will result, we trust, in a serious movement, and not in mere words, to fall into the sack of oblivion as soon as uttered. Eight hundred thousand colored freemen, with honor to themselves, cannot stand silent or patient under the consciousness that within one hundred miles from the shores of the United States there are more than four hundred thousand of their race held in slavery.

Several circumstances make it opportune and fitting that our colored fellow citizens should take this prominent position touching slavery in Cuba. As we took occasion to point out some days ago, the government of the United States is absolutely responsible for the past forty-six years of slavery in Cuba. This is not to be denied in the face of history. The Moret law, which our President, in his last message, courteously characterized as a "feeble step" toward emancipation--even that is not to go into force in its "feeble," ineffectual way, declares Prime Minister Zorillia, "so long as a single Cuban remains in revolt against Spanish authority." That is to say, as by the Moret law the beginning of gradual emancipation was placed a quarter of a century in the future, so long as one Cuban choses to keep in revolt, even the contingency made so remote by the law, is made still more remote, and more than fifty thousand infants will be annually born into slavery. The strange avowal of the Spanish Minister, an avowed liberal, can only be comprehended under the light of a fact recently revealed in the Spanish Havana journals, that the rich Spanish slave holders on the island, having an agent at Madrid, Don Manuel Carlo, to represent their interests and defeat all efforts looking to the subversion of slavery in Cuba, have recently furnished him with a fund of about half a million of dollars, to be used for the purposes of his mission. Those who head this subscription are leaders of the Spanish party in Cuba, like Zuleta. Their voices and their money are sufficiently powerful at Madrid to sway the action of the government, and defeat any effort which the few Spanish abolitionists in the Cortes may attempt. The slave holders cannot be overcome at Madrid. Nothing whatsoever looking toward emancipation within this century is to be hope for from the Spanish government. Were they to attempt it, the slave holders would revolt, and therefore their dictation, made palatable by gold, is as subserviently accepted by Zorilla as by Sagasta.

While the Spaniards in Cuba have obdurately clung to slavery, on the other hand, the native slave holders, like Aldama, at once accepted the action, of the revolutionary government at Guaimaro, which put an unqualified end to slavery in the island. The native Cubans are all sympathy

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